cahn: (Default)
[personal profile] cahn
Last week: Discussion on how Herod stacked up against various Roman emperors in terms of body count of his nearest and dearest; how Friedrich Wilhelm might hear the Josephus text; Herod throwing money around; Cleopatra!

This week: ...uhhhh there was a lot going on and I haven't actually finished the reading yet *ducks* -- I am doing that right now and I should most likely be able to comment tomorrow. (I don't anticipate this being a problem again for at least two more months, and most likely not then either; this was a confluence of various time sinks that doesn't usually happen all at the same time.) But I wanted to go ahead and get the post up because I know you guys have read it... (ETA: have finished the reading now :P :) )

Next week: finishing up Book 2!

Date: 2026-03-03 09:35 am (UTC)
selenak: (Claudius by Pixelbee)
From: [personal profile] selenak
The cast of this part of the book gives me constant crossover feelings, both for New Testament and for I, Claudius reasons. Robert Graves made Herod Agrippa I a childhood bff of Claudius (yet avoided mentioning he was also bff with Caligula - in case you didn’t realize, Gaius is Caligula, Caligula was a nickname only used by much, much later historians, the ones writing in his time and a century later called him Gaius), but mentions this relationship only in “Claudius the God”, i.e. the second novel. The tv show, having both novels as its basis, could introduce Herod Agrippa far earlier, during his and Claudius’ actual childhood. He’s one of the tv shows most attractive characters and his demise late in the show leaves a real impact. Oh, and it’s also a History of the Germans crossover of sorts, because Varus is none other than Quinctilius Varus of “Give me back my legions!” Fame, he who lost the battle against Arminius the Cheruscan in the Teutoburg Forest and perished together with three Roman legions, leaving Augustus prone to wail the above mentioned sencence in his last two years of life. Gaul and part of today’s Germany was where Varus was transferred to after the events described in this book, and since he was fooled by Arminius because Arminius had been an actual Roman citizen and leader of auxiliary troops who had fought for Rome in Pannonia, you could fictionalize and speculate about Arminius being part of Varus’ army during his governor of Syria stint and concluding that Romans are not unbeatable.

(More cross connections for you: some years post Teutoburg Forest battle, Germanicus the brother of Claudius, husband of Agrippina the Elder and Dad of both Gaius and Agrippina the Younger got the job of dealing with the Germans. He did bury the mouldering bodies of the legions and sort of, kinda scored some military victories though never managed to get a hold of Arminius himself. His time in Germany was both when Agrippina was born - in a camp she later when Empress promoted to full settlement and city status, and which is still around, all hail the founding mother of Cologne - and where Gaius gained the nickname “Caligula”, i.e. “Little Boots”, “Bootsie”, so named because the legionaries made a mini legionary equipment complete with boots for the little boy.)

This part also sets the pattern of some Roman, either in high or low positions (thinking of the soldier who farts and bares his bottom here) fucking with the Temple, resulting in a Jewish uprising, Roman commanders in various degrees of competency trying to deal with it and lots of panicked missions to Rome. Note that once Augustus is dead, Josephus feels free to be more critical about the subsequent Emperors (who aren’t held in nearly the same esteem by the Romans.)

Pilate being accused of using some temple treasury for building his acquaeduct made me laugh because it reminded me of the famous “What did the Romans ever do for us?” Scene from “Life of Brian”. (If you haven’t seen it, acqueducts and thus a far better regular water supply were on the list and is indeed the project Pilate outside of the NT is most known for. As to what became of him by the time Claudius gives Herod Agrippa “the whole of his grandfather’s kingdom” - would have to google, I don’t know by heart, but presumably he was long gone as governor, since he was appointed in Tiberius’ time. Roman governships didn’t last more than a few years even in less unruly regions, I think.

Another thing in this section that caught my eye and which I hadn’t known before is that a fake Alexander (as in, one of the sons of Mariamme Herod the Great killed) shows up. The phenomenon of impostors pretending either dead rulers or dead aspiring rulers/princes showing up really is millennia old, isn’t it? And of course it will plague Rome itself with several fake Neros just a short time later.

No dark magic in your translation? Sheesh. I’m on the train now, will see if I can give you the exact sentence in German later.

German tangent

Date: 2026-03-04 08:39 am (UTC)
selenak: (Uthred and Alfred)
From: [personal profile] selenak
The Battle of the Teutoburg Forest, briefly:

Quinctilius Varus: Sure, after Syria and Judea my German assignment will be a piece of cake!

Arminius: Martin Luther named me Herrmann because he wanted me to have a German name, and subsequent centuries followed suit, but current German historians have gone back to "Arminius", because my original name simply isn't known. I and my brother Flavus (see above for original name, Flavus means "Blond") were given as hostages/future rulers to be raised in Rome much like Herod's sons, Dad being the leader of the Cheruskii. We then fought in various wars; I distinguised myself in Pannonia and was made not just a Roman citizen but a Roman knight. Ditto Flavus. But guess what! Flavus may have been Romanized through and through, but I decided Romans are human and defeatable. Hey, Varus. I, your loyal leader of the Cheruskii, want you to do me a favour and march into the territory of this tribe I'm at war with, just as a show of strength, to show who's boss on both sides of the Rhine. I mean, we Cheruskii are Roman allies, right?

Segestes: Varus, don't do this. This young pub is my son-in-law, and we can't stand each other, so I know whereof I speak - this is a trap.

Arminius: He's just still furious me and his daughter Thusnelda are an item.

Varus: True love is great. Arminius, you have fought and bled for Rome and Segestes has not, of course I believe you! Legions, muster up! We're leaving headquarters for a show of strength for our valued ally.

Somewhere in the Teutoburg Forest, where the three Roman legions, so impressive in open territory, have been thinned out marching between trees:

Germans of both the Cheruskii and the tribe the Cheruskii supposedly were enemies of: Surprise, suckers!

*Two and a half day battle* Ensues.

Varus: Commits suicide early in day 2.

Three Roman legions: Are wiped out.

Augustus: QUINCTILIUS VARUS, WHERE ARE MY LEGIONS!

Tacitus: I'm writing up this battle big time to make a point about the decadence of our times in comparison to our ancestors. I mean, if you can get beaten by a bunch of barbarians, that's, like, totally humiliating.

Martin Luther: I'm using this battle to make a point about brave Germans beating back the oppression of perfidious Rome, by which I mean me and my followers versus the Pope and his bunch of Italians who need the Renaissance financed with indulgences. Me doing so reminds everyone this happened, and it returns to the popular consciousness.

Heinrich von Kleist: I'm living at the time of the Napoleonic wars, to be precise, in the phase where my home state of Prussia is getting its backside kicked by the French. Therefore, the Romans in my drama about this event are of course the perfidious French and the Cheruskii are the oppressed Germans fighting for their freedom.

Heinrich Heine: I, on the other hand, make fun of the Battle at the Teutoburg Forest cult in my epic "Deutschland. Ein Wintermärchen."

Lots and lots of 19th century nationalists: We double down on Hermann veneration and put money together to errect a giant statue of Hermann the German.

Later 20th century Archaelogists: More fool you, because a) you put in the wrong place, because we actually discovered where the battle has taken place by virtue of disovering Augustus age coins and lots of skeletons from young fighting age men. And our place is nowhere near your statue. Also, his name is Arminius.

Nazis: We, of course, were the worst fanboys, as is our want, and cast "Hermann" as guess who.

Later 20th century historians: We're still facepalming about this. And are calling it the "VArusschlacht" now, because at least with Varus we're sure what his name was.
Edited Date: 2026-03-04 01:05 pm (UTC)

Re: German tangent

Date: 2026-03-05 10:08 am (UTC)
selenak: (Default)
From: [personal profile] selenak
Yes indeed, it is the very man poor Berthold is supposed to do a presentation on in The Oppermanns .

And hey, Luther would argue that the Romans never ruled over all the Germans, just some of the tribes, just like the Germans of his day ended up divided between those he helped see the light and those who insisted on being slaves to Rome. :)

Speaking of the Oppermanns, you may recall Berthold’s cousin Ruth the Zionist argues that despite not beating Rome for good Arminius’ temporary victory makes for an inspiring national resistance narrative, and she connects that directly with Zionism. Of course, Feuchtwanger wrote The Oppermanns in between Josephus Trilogy Volume I and II, so the “is it worth fighting a superior military power occupying your country if you know you don’t have the chance for long term military victory?” Question was very much on his mind.

In the correspondence between Feuchtwanger and Brecht, Brecht teases him when LF is working on Josephus that he should take care not to be swept away by emotion “or else I will write a drama about Hermann the Cheruscan”.

=> Varus isn’t the only connection between Jewish rebels and German rebels on a meta level

Date: 2026-03-04 01:42 pm (UTC)
selenak: (Claudius by Pixelbee)
From: [personal profile] selenak
Fake Neros: one is briefly mentioned in the second of Feuchtwanger’s Josephus novels, because Lion wrote an entire separate novel Der falsche Nero about the guy. Said novel is political satire because this particular fake Nero is evidently a Hitler avatar, with his two most prominent sidekicks standing in for Goebbels and Göring. (BTW, it’s well intended but not one of Feuchtwanger’s better novels, precisely because the satire is so obvious. His take on Domitian, who isn’t supposed to be a Hitler avatar, is a far better take on a paranoid dictator. The problem with his Nero impostor, in terms of what the novel tries to achieve, is that the guy is so ridiculous that you never quite believe he’s also dangerous, which he is for a time (including getting people killed). Anyway, in both “Der Falsche Nero” and “Die Söhne”, Feuchtwanger lets Titus comment “strange how a little fish can stink so much” on the affair.

What the existence of fake Neros does demonstrate, though, is that he was still popular in some of the provinces, otherwise the fake Neros wouldn’t have been able to con so many people out of support and money so successfully. I mean, a fake Alexander, son of Herod, can play the sympathy card (“I had to hide because Dad tried to kill me!”) and the man he’s supposed to be never was in power and thus couldn’t make enemies beyond his family. But Nero had been in power for 13 years when he died.

(BTW, I think there is also a novel where a fake Nero is actually real Nero who faked his death, but I forgot by whom.)

“Tricked” versus “bewitched”: in either case, it’s a ridiculous charge. I mean, obviously she lobbied as hard as she could, but methinks Josephus just wants to let the man (i.e. Claudius) off the hook here for making the decision, because he can’t imagine another reason as to why a ruler would prefer his adopted to his biological son. (Especially since Josephus knows how the adopted son will turn out.) Which is ignoring both the possible reasons already named by me (Nero was older, he was via his mother a direct blood descendant of Augustus which neither Claudius nor Britannicus were, and adoption was a tried and true Roman custom) and another potential one, because Britannicus’ mother Messalina had not been the most faithful of wives, after all.

(Robert Graves gives Claudius a different reason for both the marriage with Agrippina and the adoption of Nero, because his Claudius secretly wanted to bring back the republic all his life, missed out on doing so when becoming Emperor, realised too late that when being a good Emperor he was making people fond of the monarchy and then decided to marry the worst woman ever, i.e. Agrippina, and make Nero his successor because he knew Nero would inevitably be the worst of the Julio-Claudians and expected that this would finally make Romans into Republicans again and finish the Principate for good. This premise works within the novel and tv show, but had a fatal heritage because ever since Robert Graves, every sympathetic Roman character in the Imperial Era wants to bring back the Republic, which, no, no, and no.)

In any event, again, Claudius was the first Emperor who even had a living son to not choose, and the next one would be Vespasian. Then once the three Flavians are gone, we famously get the Five Good Emperors, all of whom adopt the next one, and Marcus Aurelius finishing this grand tradition by not adopting someone and instead making his son Commodus his heir is infamously the one big thing held against Marcus Aurelius, though as Mildred says, none of his precedessors among the Five HAD a biological son. So basically in 130 years of Emperors, adoption is the norm and biological inheritance is the exception, because only Vespasian => Titus and then Marcus Aurelius => Commodus are cases where an Emperor makes his biological son his successor, and even if you add fraternal inheritance (i.e. Titus => Domitian), it’s still the exception compared to all the adoptions otherwise.

(To be fair: for the Julio-Claudians, adoptions within a larger family context. I.e. Augustus adopts Tiberius who is his wife’s son from her previous marriage. Tiberius adopts his nephew Germanicus and after Germanicus’ death makes Germanicus’ son Caligula his (co-)heir. (The other co-heir being his biological grandson Gemellus who doesn’t live long into Caligula’s reign.) Caligula doesn’t pick anyone because he gets murdered, but he is succeeded by his uncle Claudius. Claudius adopts Nero who is also his biological great-nephew (since Agrippina is his niece.) Nero is the last.)

It does occur to me that because the Herod family drama and inheritance battle happens all between biological sons (though said sons have factions and champions among the rest of the family, i.e. aunts, uncles etc.). The idea of adopting a nephew or great nephew instead presumably felt very alien to Josephus….

Re: Graves' Claudius and the Republic

Date: 2026-03-05 10:00 am (UTC)
selenak: (Default)
From: [personal profile] selenak
It does work in the novel and in the tv show, as I said, but even within the tv show, they add a scene where Claudius shortly before his death has a conversation with Britannicus where he explains he is not really a tool of Agrippina, he hates her and her son, but the Republic, etc., and Britannicus essentially says: But Dad, no one wants the Republic anymore, and Nero being given the chance to screw up won’t change that. (I.e. the tv show writers were lampshading the problem with this justification).

The other problem within the Graves version is that Claudius isn’t just willing to make Nero his heir over Britannicus so the monarchy will crash and burn, but marries his daughter Octavia to him (which neither Octavia nor Nero are keen on, in this or any other version), and this makes Claudius look far more ruthless towards people he claims to love (i.e. his kids) than the Graves version is supposed to be.

In terms of all the other fictional secret Republicans in movies and tv: most annoying when they’re living centuries later, the Emperor Marcus Aurelius being a case in point. There is absolutely zero indication Marcus Aurelius thought about the Republic at any point of his life, and given we have his “Meditations”, we actually know more about what Marcus Aurelius was thinking than we do of most other Emperors. Graves sells it with Claudius because Claudius never experienced the Republic himself, so can idealize it, and he comes off age when it’s not yet a given that the Principate of Augustus will remain something permanent; that only finalizes when the Senate first confirms Tiberius and then Caligula, whose reigns are anything but a reccomendation for the monarchy. But by the time Marcus Aurelius lives, there has been no other state system but the monarchy anywhere for centuries, and the big question is only “adopt or make my bio son the heir?” Not “Republic?”

Re: Graves' Claudius and the Republic

Date: 2026-03-05 03:55 pm (UTC)
aella_irene: (Default)
From: [personal profile] aella_irene
Nero pissed off at least two overlapping influential groups in Rome. One of those groups was the Senators (who also produced all the historians) roughly speaking because he thought they were boring old men who didn't do anything except try and stop him doing what he wanted to do.

The other started off as a good thing which became a bad. Following the Great Fire of Rome in 64 AD it became clear that Rome had been so overcrowded, with so little space between buildings, that once the fire had started there was no hope of stopping it, and a fire had been inevitable. Nero therefore instituted a programme of compulsory purchase (similar to what was done in Lisbon post their earthquake and fire) so that streets could be widened. This meant that the owners of the land lost some of it, and didn't feel they'd been adequately recompensed. Unfortunately, Nero (who had lost his palace in the fire) decided that he too deserved a little treat, and kept a chunk of the land to build his Domus Aurea on, which gave rise to speculation that he'd set the whole thing going so he could build a new palace. (I've seen a reconstruction, the Domus Aurea was very nice...)

The reconstruction of the city also required heavy taxation, and Nero ended up devaluing the currency, which is rarely a good idea. Still, he was immediately popular among the people, partly because, in the immediate aftermath of the fire, gardens and public buildings were opened to refugees, and food was distributed. I think he was also popular amongst the army, who he thought were 'real' Romans, as opposed to those wealthy Senators sitting on their arses saying he couldn't do things and failing to appreciate his mastery of the water organ.

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